Local Television News
in the 90’s:
Producing High
Quality News
In the American
Metropolis
by
Ryan W. Ozimek
June 22, 1999
A UCLA Communication
Studies
Senior Honors Research
Project
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract 3
Introduction 3
A
Brief History of Local Television 3
The
Unresolved Problem of News Quality 6
Problem
Statement and Thesis 7
Past Research 8
Past
Explanations for Poor News Quality 8
Discovering New
Reasons for Poor News Quality 9
A
Closer Look at the Population Effect on News Quality 9
Methodology 10
Crime
Rates and News Quality 11
Ethnic
Diversity in a Market 12
The
Effects of New Technology 14
Quality
of Newscasts in State Capitols 15
Influence
of Market Competition 15
Possible Explanations
of Poor News Quality That Show Promise 17
Niche
Marketing 17
Effects
of Large Cities on Journalists’ Coverage 18
Market
Concentration 19
Discussion
on Unexpected Data Pattern 19
Case Study: KMEX, A Niche Market That Works 21
Conclusions and
Guidance For Further Research 23
References 25
Abstract
Critics of local television
news are by no measure lacking in the field of journalism. Most scholars, as well as many members
of the public, see local television news as laughable. Many factors have lead to this label,
including market forces, diverse demographics, and others. Despite the seemingly plausible
hypotheses of past researchers, the only strong correlate to quality of local
news is population size. Though
population itself does not determine a news programs quality, various inherent
qualities of larger populated cities tend to produce lower quality news.
The nation’s local television news industry is in a state of despair. Nightly newscasts packed with crime, violence, and other episodic stories fill the airwaves. While local newscasts on the whole clearly put television news at its lowest quality in history, even more disturbing is the trend in the nation’s largest cities. These cities have, on average, the worst quality of news in the country. Though it is easy to show that larger city populations correlate strongly with poorer local news quality, the more important answer may be tougher to find: the underlying factor within population size that creates this phenomenon. If population size drives the quality of news, there must be something either inherent within audience size that contributes to this explanation.
A Brief History of Local Television News
Since
the early 1970’s, local television news has been beamed into American
households. Before this time, most
people became informed of both national and local events mainly through
newspapers. The 1970’s boom
in the television news industry changed the way people received information
about the world around them. In
the past 20 years, television news, especially local television news, has
become the most common way people become informed (Ansolabehere, et al.,
1993). Quickly, station managers
began to see the enormous profitability local news coverage could offer them. No longer did people watch the national
news with regularity. Instead,
they tended to get their news from the local television station.
With
the advent of computers and high technology, the ability to report and produce
news broadcasts has increased dramatically. This capacity for new technology, however, created an interesting
twist to the local television news we see today. Mobile satellite trucks, instant uplinks to news around the
world, helicopter mounted television cameras, and other new technologies all
helped to begin a revolution in the way news is produced by local
affiliates. It is now possible for
a station to give not only state and local news, but also national and world
news. Viewers can now receive news
from around the world, as well as their local news, from their hometown
affiliate.
At
the same time technological advances are rapidly occurring, so is the pressure
of competition to create the perfect newscast. Cable television provided the catalyst needed to help the
world of local news explode. With
cable, local television stations could reach more households than they could
with conventional radio signals.
In doing so, they increased the possible viewing population by large
numbers. The result of this increase
of viewership is clear: an
increase in the possibility of bringing even more advertising dollars than
already provided by the national programming. Tapping into a gold mine of resources, the economic
imperative of local stations to produce highly attractive news programs has
increased competition among regional stations. In addition to the rapid changes in technology, the new
market of competition between affiliates over local news began a long-term
revolution of local television news.
The
most intriguing part of this rapid time of change within the area of local news
is the effect of increased competition on the substance of the newscast. Scholars have noted a general trend in
the nature of the news broadcast.
This trend, one of increasing coverage of crime and violence, now
overwhelms many newscasts. The
Rocky Mountain Media Watch group of Denver, Colorado, an organization that
began tracking the violence in newscasts just a few years ago, found that over
40 percent of the news shown on local television depicts either violent crime
or disasters (Frankel, 1995). On
the other hand, while there has been a general trend toward more violence on
television news, there has been quite drop in the amount of political or
government news. This category
includes all government news coverage, from a town hall meeting to a
presidential election. In a 1991
study conducted by Phyllis Kaniss, she found that of the local television
stations she watched 33 percent of their airtime was devoted to coverage of
government issues. Right behind
that, coverage of “occurrences” took up 32 percent of the newstime. Statistics such as these are unheard of
in today’s more violent local media, and the trend today seems to support
this status quo.
The Unresolved Problem of News Quality
For
more than ten years now, scholars have looked into the rapidly changing market
of local news broadcasts without finding the answer they want to find: why is local news considered to be so
bad? Common answers normally came
without much quantitative proof, and instead were simply personal opinions as
to what qualified for “good news.” There are four prominent reasons for the lowering quality of
local news: 1) an overemphasis on
occurrence based stories, 2) poor reporting skills, 3) technological advances
are drawing away from news content, and 4) hyping of small problems takes away
resources and money. These
problems, all addressed effectively in past literature, are necessary in order
to piece together the larger issue of poor news quality which none of them
alone can fully explain.
In
a report issued in January of 1999, the Project for Excellence in Journalism
released their yearlong study of 20 television market’s local
newscasts. Their study looked
extensively at over 300 hours of tapes and successfully discovered many underlying
issues that drive down news quality.
However, they were unable to determine why news quality decreased as
population size increased. Though
they correctly identified the big city markets as the worst news providers,
their data remained unfinished. It
is here, in the search to find out how large cities like Los Angeles and New
York can produce better news for their viewers, that begins the heart of this
research.
Though
the Project for Excellence in Journalism’s study found many probable
reasons for local television news to be as poor as it is, their study and
others have fallen short of seeing the larger picture. Money and profit margins drive the
television newscasts of the 1990’s.
In the past, local news simply added an expense account to
affiliates. Now, social television
newscasts bring in more advertising dollars than national network
newscasts. This observation brings
us to a point often overlooked by scholars and journalists alike: television journalism is a market
driven commodity. As tough as it
may be for professional journalists to swallow, they are simply labor for a
market of entertainment media. The
main problem with past studies and journalists is the inability to look at the
effects of society on the news. So
many times, journalists forget to realize that no matter how much they try to
change the world, it is the audience that will dictate the night’s
news. As the size of the audience
grows, especially into the multi-millions range, the job of producing the best
quality news becomes tougher.
This
study will investigate why large cities tend to have lower quality news
programming than smaller cities.
After reviewing all the data collected in this yearlong research,
including secondary data from past research projects, the correlation between
large cities and poorer quality news is very strong. Although the expected reasons included such hypotheses as
more diverse demographics, high crime rates, and higher competitive markets,
their correlations could not accurately pinpoint these causes. Since these components did not have
strong correlations to news quality, they will not be considered as reasons for
poor newscasts, but will still be investigated in detail.
Starting
in early 1990, journalists and scholars alike began to notice a disturbing
trend in local television journalism.
Newscasts started producing more tabloid-formatted newscasts, and the
focus of the daily news was no longer local and state government, but now crime
and disaster stories. As one of
the first researchers to recognize this market wide shift, Phyllis Kaniss of
the Annenberg School of Communication at the University of Pennsylvania wrote a
behind the scenes book titled Making Local News. After thorough research, she detailed a
number of factors that led local news to distort the public’s
understanding of local policies, including an emphasis on anchors, limited
number of reporters, and a need for effective video and sound bites (Kaniss
101).
Many
other researchers have looked at the problem of lowering news quality on
similar levels. Some chose to look
at the journalist themselves, seeing if the journalists own personal
characteristics may affect the way local news is depicted. Others studied the effects of the
corporate structure in local television affiliates. These large and tangled webs of national networks and their
local affiliates complicate the manner in which local stations can broadcast
their news. Although past findings
have been interesting and increased awareness in their fields, they have been
unable to pinpoint a more exact reason for poor news quality.
When
surveying the possible explanations as to why news quality decreases as one
goes from large cities to smaller ones, the only strong correlation found is
that of population size and news quality.
Seemingly inherent of large populations, newscasts in these regions are
lacking in quality. Population
size itself is probably not the sole reason for this correlation. It wouldn’t make much sense for
simply the number of people in city would somehow determine the quality of
news. Instead, the true answer may
be hidden within the population itself, riding piggyback on the variable of
population.
Figure
1
Looking
back at past research and commonly held ideas about the content of local news,
there are many widely held beliefs that I studied to determine which variable
hides beneath the population variable.
A list of these possible variables that could be part of population in
local news is listed as follows:
·
A
city’s crime rate
·
Ethnic
and racial diversity
·
New
technology
·
Newscast
in state capitols
·
Increasingly
competitive markets and economic forces
Throughout this research, we looked at these and other factors that may contribute to poorer news quality in large cities. While many of them seem to make sense in a hypothetical model, none of these factors correlated strongly with a decrease in news quality. Instead, no correlation, or only slight correlation could be found in these possible factors. Taking a closer at these factors, although not correlated to news quality, will help us dispel many of the myths connected with the reasons for poor quality.
Within
the context of this study, we will use the findings of the Project for
Excellence in Journalism’s findings in their January 1999 report as a
measure of quality of news in 20 different television markets across the
country. Furthermore, we will use
an average of the quality of news in a city as a “GPA” for a city’s
news. For instance, if their study
gave a city’s three stations all “B” grades, we gave that
city a 3.0 GPA for news quality, on a scale from 0 to 4, with 4 being the
highest. Using this method for
finding news quality, we were able to use statistical information from the same
cities cited in the Project for Excellence in Journalism’s report to find
correlation in population demographics.
Scholars researching local news have seen
a disturbing trend in the area of occurrence news. As Americans became more worried about what they saw as
increasing crime, journalism joined the bandwagon. Between 1993 and 1994, crimes and murder became the most
heavily covered topic in the news media (Patterson 61). Throughout the 1980’s, no more
than five percent of Americans polled believed that crime was the
country’s most pressing issue.
By 1994, over 40 percent of the population saw crime as the most
important topic America needed to face.
Meeting the new need for crime coverage, television news coverage began
to shift dramatically from a generally well balanced view of issues, to an
occurrence and crime-based newscast.
In Kaniss’ 1991 study of local news found that occurrence stories
accounted for about 30 to 35 percent of the typical news program (Kaniss
114). In that study,
“occurrence” stories included not only crime, but accidents, court
trials, disasters, and any other temporary or quickly moving news. The figure shifted dramatically in just
six years. Looking at over 51
newscasts across the country, the Rocky Mountain Media Watch group found that
72 of 100 lead stories on a given night were about crime and violence (Frankel
June 1997:20). Furthermore, more
than one-third of all news stories involved crime. The most interesting part of this sudden increase in crime
coverage is that over this same time period, crime in America has decreased, and violent crime, the most typical
shown on the local evening news, decreased at increasingly higher rates. With this increased focus on crime
without increasing crime rates showed that newscasts focused more on depicting
crime to attract viewers rather than simply cover issues truly affecting the
communities.
These
figures relate closely to the recent Columbia Journalism study and our
study’s results. Looking at
the amount of crime shown on the news broadcasts in their study, the Project
for Excellence in Journalism found that just over a quarter of the airtime was
devoted to crime stories.
Supporting this figure, our study found little to no correlation between
the crime rate of a city and it’s overall news quality. Using the data regarding the quality of
news by city, and correlating it with population data figures by television
market, there is a very small correlation (see Figure 2 below).
Our
study hypothesized that the more diverse and stratified a television market,
the more likely it would have to serve a lower common denominator, thereby
driving news quality down. This
seems to make sense, especially in markets such as New York and Los
Angeles. These television markets,
ranking as the fifth and sixth worst news cities in the 20 market study, are
two of the top four most diverse cities in the country. The hypothesis is based on the basic
tenets of television advertising:
unless a station has a niche market, the lowest common denominator will
determine the broadcasting contents.
Increased diversity should force television news stations to drive down
the quality of their newscasts, as too much focus or in-depth coverage on a
specific area may alienate an important ethnic or racial demographic.
Figure
3
As
Figure 3 shows,
however, no strong correlation appears between news quality and a
region’s diversity. For
example, Tallahassee, FL, has the second highest ethnic diversity in the study,
and at the same time has the third best news quality in the study. On the other hand, Los Angeles, the
most diverse city in the study, also has one of the lowest news quality
rankings. It seems as though the
newscasts see beyond color lines, and instead focuses on other ways to target
audience, such as income, geographic location, political involvement, etc.
It
would be expected that new, high technology would help lead us into a world of
better news broadcasts, giving us the world at our fingertips. News stations can send trucks out to
the scene of breaking event anywhere roads lead, and have clear signal from the
ground in less than ten minutes.
Helicopters have become a favorite of many local news stations. Their versatility allows stations to
get to the scene of breaking news faster than ever before. Also, a local news station can retrieve
video from anywhere in the world over satellite wire services, allowing them to
produce local angle stories on issues thousands of miles away from their
stations. Today’s
technological revolution paves the road for better news broadcasting, allowing
smaller news stations to garner power only the largest stations were ever able
to afford. However, even with all
the hope, this technological age has been both a rose and a thorn in the side
of local television news.
Although this study did not directly
analyze the effects of new technological advances, many researchers have
already begun to study its effects on the quality of news. The Project for Excellence in
journalism summed it up best when it wrote that local television news,
“technology doesn’t serve [the] content,” (PEJ 1999). Technology can serve many great
purposes, but once it begins to overtake the power of the content, the newscast
forgets that it is trying to tell people the news, and not produce a documentary. Frequently, when forced to push for
higher ratings, news producers allow their zealous production consultants to
overkill their jobs. Flashy on
screen graphics, annoying jingles, and chatty anchorman take away from the news
itself. With such uses of new
technology, the public is no longer being served; it’s being served
entertainment.
Considering
that they are the political hearts of states, our study hypothesized that news
stations in state capitols would be of higher quality than the typical news
broadcast. Quality of news is
highly related to the amount of governmental news versus the amount of
occurrence news. One would expect
that in a market that housed the center of state politics, news quality on the
local television stations would be greater than non-state capitol cities.
Surprisingly
enough, being in the state capitol had little to no effect on the quality of
news. This statistic, however, may
not be as easily answered by this study as one would wish. Though seven of the twenty cities
studied were state capitols, this figure leaves out over 43 other state
capitols. The problem may be
simply a reflection of the sample itself.
The sample may have been one too small to be able to make such a
generalization, considering the low number of state capitols included in the
research. However, one can not
discount the statistical relevance of the results. News stations in state capitols may have a lot of local government
news to choose from, probably still face the same market driven tendencies of
other cities, forcing them to stray away from political news and more towards
event driven news such as crime, accidents, etc. Regardless as to the reasons amounting to the results, there
is simply no correlation between broadcasting from a state's capitol city and
higher news quality.
One of the stronger hypotheses as to why
population dictates the strength of news quality is that market competitiveness
increases as population increases, and at the same time as competition increases,
quality of news decreases. At
first glance, this seems to
make sense. In Los Angeles, the most congested
local news market in the country, news quality is at a low. It is plausible for news quality to
decrease as competition increased, since competition would drive stations to
become flashier and stray from simply telling the news and instead entertain an
audience with the news. The same
effect occurs in New York, where competition among five television stations is
second only to Los Angeles, and news quality is one of the lowest in the
nation. Although in typical
capitalistic models of economics, competition should drive the market to
producing better products, the local news market finds itself dumbing down to
better hit the lowest common denominator.
Publicity consultants are brought into stations to clean house during
sweeps weeks, and normally leave a swath of destruction to the news itself
behind them when they leave.
Competition, one would believe, simply adds to the problem of decreasing
news quality.
Figure
4
When
looking at the data of the 20 major television markets, no strong correlation
occurred between competition and news quality. Basing competition on the number of television stations
producing news broadcasts per market, the study found that there was a very
weak correlation between increased competition and lowering quality of
news. This data seems to fly into
the face of reason, however, as one can look at New York and Los Angeles as examples
of how competition lowers the quality of news. The problem with this view concerns other highly competitive
markets, such as Evansville and Louisville, which have five and four stations
in their market respectively.
These two markets were high in both competition and quality. In an article for the American
Journalism Review in 1993, Todd Gitlin argued that the problems of economic
forces in the local television news market were tied directly to the need to
gain rating points.
“Television journalists will say…that they themselves would
prefer to go down in history as the local version of Edward R. Murrow,”
Gitlin wrote. “But, alas and
alack, there’s no commercial alternative to the quick and the lurid,
because, let’s face it, sufficient numbers of masses keep offering their
delectable eyeballs for the rental of advertisers.” The problem, he fears, is that stations
that may want to turn their news more highbrow don’t because they know
that their ratings will quickly drop as they cover the state house while their
competition continues to cover the crack house. With competition, the
correlation between increased market forces and better quality news simply
isn’t true.
A
possible route for news programming to build up better quality would be niche
marketing. Using this economic
principle, television stations would be able to decide much like their news
magazine cousins, which sector of the market’s demographic they would
like to cover, and then push news specifically targeted for that group. The reason we see so many new magazines
on the shelf is because they can afford to split the market into many
demographics, each magazine taking its fair share. If the same could happen in local television, there would
seem, with an efficiently large population, that stations could split going
highbrow and lowbrow, attracting advertisers to hit that market perfectly. Again, however, we reach the problem of
attracting the lowest common denominator.
There are a limited number of VHF stations (12), unlike magazines, which
can infinite in number and variety.
With a small cap on the market, no television station can afford to
split up a demographic. Already
their market is severely split, such as in Los Angeles, and to further split a
generalized public into smaller pieces would leave them with lower ratings as
their competitor continues to include all the population’s taste in their
programming. The only time that a
station would have a reason to go into a niche market would be if the niche
market populations were bigger than their market share currently. For instance, if each television
station in Los Angeles received 1/7th of the market, and a niche
market that was 1/5th of the population could be directly marketed, we
would expect to see a station move toward the niche. Without a reason to form the niche market in the larger
populated cities, it seems difficult to be able to overcome the problem of
economic forces making any kind of a positive impact on the local television
news quality.
A
second and one of the most convincing arguments that could help explain
population’s effect on news quality focuses on the coverage of each
reporter. Considering that news
stations across the country have an average of 10-14 news reporters on their
staff, regardless of how many stations are in the market, one can compare the
area of coverage against the size of staff and news quality. With this assumption, the average
reporter in a larger television market would need to cover a greater number of
municipalities. Further, with a
greater area of coverage, the reporters would need to have a large number of
close sources in order to continue to keep good contact with current events not
as salacious as crimes and violence.
Normally, however, a reporter in a large city finds it difficult to
cover the multiple municipalities, and has difficulty trying to keep close,
reliable sources. For example, a
Los Angeles station, with an equal number of reporters as a Tucson station and
much larger population, must cover the news for a much larger number of
municipalities. A reporter
covering West LA would need not only to cover LA city news, but also Santa
Monica, Malibu, Brentwood, etc.
This would promote less in-depth research on any one area, while also
making it difficult to build close ties with sources. Both of these problems would easily lead to more superficial
coverage of the news, focusing on quick, episodic events such as violence,
crime, etc.
This study tested the above hypothesis by
looking at the concentration of population within the largest city in a given
market. By comparing population
size inside the largest city in a market to the total market population, one
can find the percentage of people who live within the market’s city
hub. In correlating this
concentration percentage to news quality, a moderate, positive correlation of
+.36 is found when controlling for population size. Thus, although population density in a market’s
largest city is not as strong a correlate as population size for news quality,
it still has two significant factors.
One, the correlation is a positive correlation, meaning that for the first time in the study,
as some variable increases, so to does news quality. Therefore, we can finally point to something that once
increased, can better news quality.
Second, the correlation of market concentration, though not as strong as
population size, is the next strongest correlation of any of the other commonly
assumed correlates of news quality found in this study. Therefore, it is difficult to simply
shrug this correlation off, as it will require further research into the
coverage done by journalists in large cities on a one on one level of analysis.
Another valid point often looked over in researching local news is that audiences have certain tastes that they demand from the television stations. Although past researchers such as Max Frankel, who called local television news “Body Bag News”, and The Rocky Mountain Research Group cry foul as the stations produce violence dominating newscasts, it is the market that has demanded this type of news. This study shows that every station, in all markets, have relatively equal amount of crime and violence they want to cover in each newscast. About one quarter of a newscast is devoted to occurrence news. The most important aspect of the occurrence news coverage concerns the amount of research a reporter must do in order to get the salacious news for the day. A reporter in a larger city like New York and Los Angeles would have no problem finding a graphic and violent crime somewhere in their cities almost everyday. Whereas in a much smaller city like Louisville, who only has such horrendous crimes as New York’s once a year, a reporter would have snoop deeper in order to get crime that can make it onto the air. With less salacious violence, the smaller city’s crime coverage is actually normally of higher quality than that of the large cities, pushing their overall news quality upward. This inherent embodiment of larger populations to have more salacious news, and for these large markets to accept it on their airwaves (Los Angeles has seven stations to cover it!), shows another reason why population negatively correlates with news quality.
The
market for Spanish language television in Los Angeles is one of the largest
demographics in the market. One of
the Spanish language stations in Los Angeles, KMEX (part of the Univision
family) is also able to overcome the immense pressures of a highly competitive
market and high population to create a strikingly good quality news show. As both the top rated non-English
speaking news broadcasts in the city and the country, KMEX also boasts the
highest rated newscast in what could easily be called the toughest market in
the country. Reaching over 5.5
million Latinos in the Greater Los Angeles community, it is the clear ratings
winner at the 6PM-news slot for both men and women 18-49. In addition, it recently KMEX-TV was
also the first national recipient of the Edward R. Murrow Award for
“Overall Excellence in Television,” an award given by the Radio
& TV News Directors Association, who also called it, “America’s
best newscast.” This local
affiliate of Univision creates a stark contrast between it and the rest of the
Los Angeles newscasts.
In
order to look at the quality of news in the Los Angeles area in depth,
television news broadcasts for all seven English speaking and two Spanish
speaking stations were coded during the week of January 25, 1999. The coding scheme duplicated the
methods created by Kaniss in her previous research, in which she coded for the
content analysis of two week’s worth of local television news in
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
Stories will be placed into the following categories, taken directly
from Kaniss’ study:
“government,” to include all local, state, and national
government stories; “occurrences,” to include crimes and trials,
accidents, disasters, and fires; “private institutions,” to include
business, private educational, and religious institution stories;
“features,” including consumer investigations, celebrity stories,
and other miscellaneous features; and “world news,” to include all
international events (Kaniss, 113).
This model, successfully employed by Kaniss in her study, not only made
coding easy, but also give enough depth to see at least small amounts of
differentiation between the news stations.
The
results of the coding show that KMEX, along with its other Spanish competitor
KVEA, have much less violence and crime in their newscasts. Instead, they are able to replace the
occurrence stories with government, and more strikingly world news
stories. These Spanish stations
have created a niche market out of the Los Angeles television market. The Latino population of Los Angeles is
over 4 million, more than
Figure
5
one
quarter the city’s population.
When the market population is divided in seven ways, this niche market
is ideal. Using the niche, a
station can effectively cut out a large portion of the market’s
demographic and bring it news more specifically targeted for it. For instance, of the occurrence news
covered on KMEX, 80 percent of it involved Latinos. Also, with the recent passage of state legislation that
directly affects this community, the news stations have even more reason than
ever to create this niche. With
these demographic qualities, one can see from the chart below that it has
helped KMEX and its fellow Spanish news station produce better quality, and
more varied local news.
The
hypothesis of niche marketing seems to hold well here. In this market, the stations that
sought to attract a specific target audience, whose population was larger than
that of the equal divisions created by other stations, were able to produce
better news and also garner a higher Nielsen points than any other station in
the market. KMEX followed classic
journalistic qualities in order to produce news low in crime coverage and high
in government and world coverage.
Although there seems to still be an appetite in the market for crime and
occurrence coverage, KMEX shows that in smaller market populations, stations can produce higher quality news
when niche marketing occurs. It
also seems to agree with previous findings regarding news coverage. If a station such as KMEX coverage can
focus on smaller areas, such as the Latino community, sourcing may become
stronger with more interaction and connection.
The state of local news in America is far
from perfect. Coverage often
focuses on crime, violence, and other forms of occurrence news that is easy to
report, tape, and digest. This
type of coverage replaces more substantive news such as local governments,
national politics, world news, and in depth stories that cover trends rather
than episodes of events. Looking
closely at the causes of such news broadcasting, this study found that
population strongly effects the type of news in a television market. Though many of hypotheses past
researchers have believed to be the reasons for this decreasing news quality
were shown to be unfounded, population, and more specifically market
demographics, showed the strongest correlation to news quality.
Further
research should study the effects of large population and geographic areas of
coverage on the level of the average journalist. By looking more closely at the effects of a large market on
the journalist, one would better be able to tell the reasons journalists decide
to cover certain stories in large markets, but not in smaller markets. Also, such a study could more
conclusively prove the relationship between markets that have dense populations
in the main city of the market and an increased news quality. Once a link between these two areas can
be made stronger, one would be able to use the niche-marketing model of KMEX to
prove that large cities with similar demographics can produce high quality
news. Population size, now known
to be the main link to the quality of news broadcasts, can be studied more
closely to help show journalists how to cope with wanting to produce high
quality news and still remain economically viable.
References
Ansolabehere,
Stephen; Behr, Roy & Iyengar, Shanto (1993). The Media Game.
New York: Macmillan.
Bartlett, David
(1993). Viewers like it. American Journalism Review, 15,
(7) 20.
Frankel, Michael
(1995, December). The murder
broadcasting system. New York
Times Magazine, pp. 46-47.
Frankel, Michael
(1997, June). Live at 11:
death. New York Times Magazine,
pp. 20.
Gitlin, Todd
(1993). Money talks. American Journalism Review, 15,
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